This is the crux of Lenin’s prognosis of the coming revolution in Russia: the revolution can only be bourgeois-democratic (not socialist) but, at the same time, because the bourgeoisie is unfit to play a revolutionary role, the revolution can only be carried out by the working class, led by the Social-Democracy, which will rouse the peasant masses in its support. This formula, in itself, as future development showed, could acquire meaning only as a stage towards the socialist dictatorship of the proletariat supported by the peasantry. Here we are confronted by questions of tactics: should we consciously work towards a working-class government in proportion as the development of the revolution brings this stage nearer, or must we at that moment regard political power as a misfortune which the bourgeois revolution is ready to thrust upon the workers, and which it would be better to avoid?” (Results and Prospects, pp. We would only collect sensitive personal data if there is a clear reason for doing so; and will only do so with your explicit consent. We tore out the deep-seated roots of the social-estate system, namely, the remnants of feudalism and serfdom in the system of land ownership, to the last. ‘One may argue’ (there are plenty of quill-drivers, Cadets, Mensheviks, and Socialist Revolutionaries abroad to indulge in such arguments) as to what ‘in the long run’ will be the outcome of the agrarian reform effected by the Great October Revolution. “The European workers will then show us ‘how to do it’, and then together with them we shall bring about the socialist revolution.” (Works, vol. To this idea of Lenin, Trotsky replied that at no time in history had the peasantry ever been able to play an independent role. The Soviet comrades pursue a good neighbourly policy vis-à-vis the “progressive” Shah of Persia, which involves handing over political refugees to the firing squad. Lenin’s formulation of the problem, revolutionary and dynamic through and through, was completely and irreconcilably counterposed to the Menshevik pattern according to which Russia could pretend only to a repetition of the history of the advanced nations, with the bourgeoisie in power and the social democrats in opposition. Leon Trotsky (Лев Троцкий), born Lev Davidovich Bronstein (Лeв Давидович Бронштéйн), was a Russian Marxist politician and revolutionary. Revolutions are always verbose. Dell Markey is a full-time journalist. On the one hand, Johnstone repeats ad nauseam that Lenin regarded the revolution as bourgeois (to no avail, since, everyone except the Stalinist epigones of Lenin, is agreed on this). The Stalinist “theory” of “stages”, which has been incanted monotonously by the Communist Party “theoreticians”, including Monty Johnstone, is a crude and mechanical caricature of the ideas of Lenin. Wladimir Lenin ist sicherlich der bekannteste Revolutionär Russlands. The “algebraic equation” of Lenin laid itself open to such misinterpretation, while Trotsky’s “arithmetical” formula was quite precise. Deaths at the front, famine, disease, all combined with economic collapse. (10) Audit and/or administer our accounts. In other words the revolutionary government, in Trotsky’s view, could take no form other than the dictatorship of the proletariat. Trotsky on Lenin | Leon Trotsky | download | Z-Library. for the privacy practices or content of those sites. Ideas that enter the mind under fire remain there securely and for ever. Lenin continues the above quotation as follows; the bourgeois democratic revolution in Russia will: “last but not least carry the revolutionary conflagration into Europe. 9. But so far as the theory of permanent revolution is concerned, Trotsky’s only “crime” for which the Stalinists can never forgive him – was that his theory was brilliantly confirmed by events. Such are the elementary and irremovable causes of the political isolation and anti-popular character of the Russian bourgeoisie. Sometimes we will be obliged to process your personal information due to legal obligations which are binding on us. Trotsky was one of the few people within the Communist Party known for standing up to Lenin. )” (Works, vol. Stalin’s espousal of the “theory” of Socialism in One Country was something which Kamenev and Zinoviev, who had been educated in the spirit of Lenin’s internationalism, could not stomach. Monty Johnstone reproduces this passage, without explaining the context, in order to prove that Lenin continued to defend the idea of the “democratic dictatorship” in 1917. The October Revolution marked the socialist stage. Nowhere has the “democratic” bourgeoisie played anything other than the most corrupt and counter-revolutionary role. Under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky, who had organised the Red Army from scratch, the Soviets were victorious, but at a terrible cost. In this they gained the powerful support of the State and Party bureaucracy, which saw in this the end of the turmoil of the Revolution and the beginning of a period of peace and “order” in which they could enjoy the privileges which they were stealthily acquiring. As for the bourgeoisie and its parties of “liberal democracy” – it played no role whatsoever. 6, p. 35), “Is this reality covered by the old-Bolshevik formula of Comrade Kamenev, which declares that the bourgeois-democratic revolution is not completed? After the withdrawal of Lenin from his work in the nucleus of the Central Com… Leon Trotsky was born Lev Davidovich Bronstein on November, 7 1879 in Yanovka, Kherson Province of the Russian Empire. When Lenin fell ill and died, Trotsky was easily outmanoeuvred by Stalin. To these must be added, in the conditions prevailing in 1917, the immediate conclusion of a democratic peace. We are required to have one or more lawful grounds to process your personal information. We cleansed out all that monarchist muck as nobody has ever done before. We have already shown how Trotsky explained his mistake on the question of the Bolshevik Party. Without a clear understanding of these questions, no Marxist will be able to find his bearings in the present world situation. There was no objective reason why the workers – who held power in their hands – could not have elbowed the bourgeoisie to one side in February 1917, no reason other than unpreparedness, lack of organisation and lack of consciousness. The Indonesian comrades, with their “Leninist” policy of a bloc of “workers, peasants, intelligentsia, national bourgeoisie, progressive aristocrats and all patriotic elements” grovelled before the “progressive” dictator Sukarno as a result of which half a million Communists were murdered without resistance. ISBN 13: 9781608467914. As a matter of fact, under the cover of the “democracy” of the Provisional Government (exactly like the later Popular Front Governments in France and Spain) the reaction was preparing a bloody rebuff to the movement of the masses who had gone “too far”. This is expressed very clearly in the Lessons of October: Monty Johnstone quotes (with his customary “conciseness”) from this pamphlet, but he does not explain why it was written, when it was written, or what is in it. Zum Hauptinhalt wechseln. For more information on how we use your personal information in relation to Google Analytics, please view our cookie policy by clicking this link cookies policy, You can opt-out of the collection of information for such purposes here: http://www.aboutads.info/choices. Such a victory will not yet by any means transform our bourgeois revolution into a socialist revolution; the democratic revolution will not immediately overstep the bounds of bourgeois social and economic relationships, nevertheless, the significance of such a victory for the future development of Russia and for the whole world will be immense. Recent history is full of such examples, although one would not think so from the work of Monty Johnstone or the lore of the Communist Parties which even discovered and espoused the “Menshevik Road to Socialism”. It meant going over to the position of the left wing of national revolution.” (The Essential Trotsky, p. 122). Applicable law allows personal information to be collected and used if it is reasonably necessary for our legitimate activities (as long as its use is fair, balanced and does not unduly impact individuals’ rights). Following the entirely false account in Deutscher’s Prophet Armed Monty Johnstone reproduces all the old nonsense that Trotsky’s views on the permanent revolution derived from Parvus, the famous German Social Democrat, whose slogan “No Tsar but a workers’ government”, Lenin criticised on a number of occasions. (the bulk of the soldiers were peasants) and the capitalist Provisional Government to which it was voluntarily [!!] Trotsky explains in this pamphlet the inevitability of a crisis of leadership in a revolutionary situation because of the enormous pressure of bourgeois “public opinion” even on the most hardened revolutionary leadership. Inevitably, the development of the revolution must, at some stage, result in the seizure of power by the workers, supported by a section of the peasantry. We end this tribute with the fitting words of Rosa Luxemburg: “Whatever a party could offer of courage, revolutionary far-sightedness and consistency in a historic hour, Lenin, Trotsky and the other comrades have given in good measure. “Why always blame the leaders?” ask the Communist Party “theoreticians” of 1968, echoing the indignant words of the Kautskys, Scheidemanns and Serratis in 1918-20. When we use your personal information, we will consider if it is fair and balanced to do so and if it is within your reasonable expectations. 10, p. 276, our emphasis) No matter how he twists and turns, and tries to put words into Lenin’s mouth, Monty Johnstone cannot alter the fact that, in 1905, Lenin not only rejected the idea of the “building of socialism in Russia alone” (the very idea would not have entered his head), but even the possibility of the Russian workers establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat before the socialist revolution in the West. The assertion that the theory of permanent revolution consists “essentially” of a “leap” from Tsarism to the socialist revolution, without any intermediate phase is arrant nonsense which proves only that Monty Johnstone has either not bothered to read Trotsky, or else is back to his old “objective, scientific” methods. Lenin did not like Trotsky, but Trotsky was so important that he was forced to work with him Trotsky became Chairman of the Military Revolutionary Committee – ie leader of the Bolshevik Red Guards. One of the leaders of the October Revolution, only second to Lenin, he was a major figure of the short-lived Russian Soviet Republic. Monty Johnstone uses quotations from some of the polemics of Lenin. No Lenin, no Trotsky, No Russian diplomatsky Will ever form a plotsky To overthrow the Czar. Knowing this, and fearing this, the liberals altogether eschew a militia. In limited cases, we may collect sensitive personal data about you. that Trotsky made his bid for leadership in the Party. Lenin believed that Russia's successful communist revolution would lead the working class and peasants in other countries to rise up in neighboring countries on their own. The peasantry could either be used as an instrument of revolution or of reaction. We will get back to you as soon as possible. His most notable enemy was another close associate of Lenin -- Josef Stalin. At no time was any such slogan put forward by Trotsky, who, time and again, both before and after 1905, pointed out the bourgeois democratic nature of the revolution. The bourgeois democratic “allies” of the working class, before whose “achievements” Monty Johnstone stands in religious awe were repeatedly flayed by Lenin, who openly mocked at their impotence: “Those poltroons, gas-bags, vainglorious Narcissuses and petty Hamlets brandished their wooden swords – but did not even destroy the monarchy! We encourage you to read the privacy policies of any external websites you visit via links on our website. If we transfer and/or store your personal data outside the EEA we will take reasonable steps to ensure that the recipient implements appropriate measures to protect your personal data. “In such conditions the Russian proletariat can win a second victory. We may update this Policy from time to time without notice to you, so please check it regularly. Lenin’s internationalism here stands out boldly in every line. In the October Revolution, the proletariat, in alliance with the poor peasants, first solved the basic problems of the bourgeois democratic revolution, then went on, uninterruptedly, to carry out socialist measures. We may transfer and/or store personal data collected from you to and/or at a destination outside the European Economic Area (“EEA”). The differences arose from Lenin’s characterisation of the revolutionary-democratic government which would carry through the tasks of the revolution as the “democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry”. The algebraic formula of the “democratic dictatorship” had been filled by history with a negative content. On the other hand, the Russian bourgeoisie was heavily dependent for investment and credit on the purse strings of international capital: “The social character of the Russian bourgeoisie and its political physiognomy were determined by the condition of origin and the structure of Russian industry. liberals), but the People! And what would he say if he could witness the even more blatant class collaborationism of the Communist Party everywhere in the world today: in Greece, in Spain, in Indonesia, in India? When Trotsky was nine, his father sent … Despite the factionalism at the heart of the military command, the city was held for another year. Save for later . In order to decisively defeat the forces of reaction and carry out the tasks of the bourgeois democratic revolution, it was necessary for the workers and peasants to snatch the reins of power from the trembling hands of the treacherous and vacillating “democrats”. From late 1922 on, Trotsky made a direct attack on the whole Leninist theory of revolution and Only 4 of these are relevant to us: We will ask for your consent to use your information to send you electronic communications such as newsletters and and fundraising emails, and if you ever share sensitive personal information with us. But if Lenin could bitterly attack the Italian Socialist leaders for failing to advance the revolutionary programme then, what would he have to say about the French Communist Party “leadership” in the general strike of May 1968, which was infinitely deeper and broader than the movement in Italy in 1920? To exercise these rights, please send a description of the personal information in question using the contact details in section 15 below. From that point on, Trotsky was steadily pushed out of … Please let us know if you have any queries or concerns whatsoever about the way in which your data is being processed by emailing the Data Protection Manager at [email protected], This website uses cookies, you can find out more and set your preferences here.By continuing to use this website, you agree to our Privacy Policy, We use cookies to identify you when you visit our website. Not satisfied with distorting Trotsky’s position in 1905, Monty Johnstone tries to have a go at Lenin, as well! Trotsky let out a savage moan, spurring Lenin to slam into him even harder. ]” (Cogito, p. 13). What was Lenin’s attitude towards the peasantry in the revolution? He also wore glasses and had a wicked goatee, so you know he read books and stuff. Aber die beiden hatten im Laufe der Jahre mehrere politische Auseinandersetzungen und Trotzki stoß erst 1917 endgültig zu den Bolschewiki dazu. Trotsky’s prognosis of 1905 boils down to this: the bourgeoisie in Russia is incapable of playing a revolutionary role. prior to effecting any transactions with us through GoCardless. However, they often differed in their beliefs regarding how Marxist principles should be implemented. surrendering its supremacy.” (Cogito, p. 11). They had nothing in common. 36, p. 437, our emphasis). This little paragraph which Johnstone “accidentally” left out of the middle of his quotation puts the whole matter in a nutshell. Towns such as this in the Tsarist era were not primarily centres of trade and industry, but outposts of the state. But even that was in abeyance: the original intention of the heroes of Russian “democracy” was to create a constitutional monarchy. While Lenin was alive (at any rate until 1922) both men had a secure place in his favor and therefore in the party as a whole. The moment the workers begin to press forward to socialism, the class antagonisms begin to assert themselves, the reactionary Bonapartist tendencies among the peasantry, which Lenin repeatedly warned against, would be turned against the proletariat. 2, p. 256) which were printed in Russia after the October Revolution. Copyright 2021 Leaf Group Ltd. / Leaf Group Education, Explore state by state cost analysis of US colleges in an interactive article, Marxists.org: V.I. Trotsky and Lenin were central to Russia’s Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and the early Communist International, but had once been fierce adversaries in the revolutionary socialist movement. At all events, the only possible outcome of the revolution was either the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, which would fall into the arms of Tsarist reaction, or the dictatorship of the proletariat, in alliance with the poor peasantry. Are these lines of Trotsky really directed against Lenin, Comrade Johnstone? Leon Trotsky, by name of Lev Davidovich Bronshtein (born November 7 [October 26, Old Style], 1879, Yanovka, Ukraine, Russian Empire—died August 21, 1940, Coyoacán, Mexico), communist theorist and agitator, a leader in Russia’s October Revolution in 1917, and later commissar of foreign affairs and of war in the Soviet Union (1917–24). Not even the setting up of a genuine democratic system of government! He makes him say things in crying contradiction to his own analysis, reducing the leader of October to a buffoon. But the mere general admission of the bourgeois nature of the revolution could not answer the concrete question of which class would lead the revolutionary struggle against autocracy. We recommend that you read PayPal’s privacy policy (available at, https://www.paypal.com/uk/webapps/mpp/ua/privacy-full?locale.x=en_GB, ) prior to effecting any transactions with us through PayPal; or, GoCardless Ltd (“GoCardless”), a third party payment services provider. The wheel had gone full circle, and the “confusion” of the “Old Bolsheviks” manifested itself in 1911 in a return to the threadbare reformist ideas of the Mensheviks. You may give us your personal data in order to subscribe to a newsletter or publication, when you contact us by phone, email or post, when you sign a petition / statement, and/or when you donate money to us. In a letter to the old ‘Left Oppositionist’ Preobrazhensky, who did not accept his theory, Trotsky admitted: ‘Up to February 1917, the slogan of the democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry was historically progressive.’ And even in his Lessons of October he wrote that with his formula of the democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry Lenin had been attacking the question of an advance towards the Socialist dictatorship of the proletariat, supported by the peasants in a ‘forcible and thoroughly revolutionary way’ – in complete contradiction to his 1909 statement that: ‘the anti-revolutionary features of Bolshevism threaten to become a great danger … in the event of a victory of the revolution’.” (Cogito, p.s 14-15). 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